Portraits of Adam Smith and Thomas Jefferson on currency

The Invisible Hand of Adam Smith and Thomas Jefferson

Two documents celebrating anniversaries this year share a common fundamental insight.

This year marks the 250th anniversary of The Wealth of Nations. The occasion inspired me to meditate on two quotes that must be among Adam Smith’s most famous.

It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own self-interest. We address ourselves not to their humanity but to their self-love, and never talk to them of our own necessities, but of their advantages.

I particularly like that second sentence. It proves the point Smith lays out in the first. We all understand what motivates butchers, bakers, and brewers.

The second quote speaks to what this pursuit of individual self-interest means for the collective good:

Every individual necessarily labours to render the annual revenue of the society as great as he can. He generally, indeed, neither intends to promote the public interest, nor knows how much he is promoting it. . . . He intends only his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention. . . . By pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it.

Though intending only private gain, the butcher, baker, and brewer (and even the banker) promote the interest of society, and do so far more effectively than they would via philanthropy or other intentional measures.

Apart from the important insights these quotes convey about the nature of market economies, they intrigue me for their moral vision as well.

To this day, a pervasive ethical opinion holds that making money is a grubby and immoral business. Billionaires can only earn some forgiveness for evil wealth accumulation by their philanthropy. After you’ve made your dirty money, do something good for society by giving it away. MacKenzie Scott is the saint; Jeff Bezos, the sinner.

Those ethics are rooted in the view that one person can only get wealthy by taking things from another. For thousands of years, that was not a bad approximation of reality. Roman emperors did not gain half the income of the empire by inventing iPhones. They took it by force.

But Smith points out that in a free-market system, this is exactly backward. The person who invents a personal computer, an iPhone, or a new and better retail format becomes a billionaire but also creates hundreds of billions of dollars for the rest of us. That tiny fraction they keep for themselves is usually reinvested in the company, where it generates more new products and employment. Here is the contribution to society, far more than some ham-handed effort at philanthropy, as that of billionaires usually is.

Smith, in establishing economics as a cause-and-effect discipline, turned this realization into a prescription for a wealthier society. Want greater national prosperity? Here’s what you need: economic freedom, under the rule of law and property rights, disciplined by the competition that freedom engenders.

And wow, did that recipe work. Note the log scale in the chart below. Average income is up by a factor of 20 from Smith’s time. And gross domestic product is a vast understatement of the benefits (consumer surplus) of growth. Lifespan and child mortality alone make the point. From thousands of years of misery, just a little economic freedom has brought us wonders. Even Smith’s Britain was full of restrictions on who could be in what business, what price they could charge, and so on. And the imperfect freedom we have now gives one hope that even more freedom can produce additional wonders.

The prosperity Smith envisioned

After centuries of little change, GDP per capita rose roughly twentyfold following the publication of The Wealth of Nations in 1776.

I generally stick to the practical case for economic freedom, not the moral case. We do not have to choose between freedom and prosperity. We are lucky that the cause and effect between them is devastatingly true. But the moral case for freedom adds to and underlies its practical case. Societies that genuinely believe all wealthy people to be evil, and the act of running a profitable company to be reprehensible, that instead prize forcible redistribution—especially of other people’s money—will not long allow economic freedom to prosper.

This year is also the 250th anniversary of the United States’ Declaration of Independence. The republic’s founders shared a similar vision to Smith’s: Rather than build a nation around the hope that people, and especially politicians, would act benevolently, in a way they have not done for the past 100,000 years or so, instead design a political system that channels self-interest to a decent public outcome, as Smith points out a free economic system does. That worked out pretty well too.

John H. Cochrane is a senior fellow of the Hoover Institution at Stanford University and was previously a professor of finance at Chicago Booth. This essay is adapted from a post on his Substack, The Grumpy Economist.

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