Understanding Entrepreneurship Requires a Look at Both Context
and Individual Research by Stanislav D. Dobrev
Small start-up or multinational corporation. Employee or founder.
Organizational structure and individual roles affect the rate
at which new organizations are founded and who starts them.
When studying entrepreneurship, sociologists typically look
at properties of the social structure such as socioeconomic
characteristics, while psychologists tend to focus on the particular
traits of individuals who become entrepreneurs. The truth, however,
is more complex. New research shows that an understanding of
entrepreneurship calls for the matching of contextual factors
with individual experiences and the preferences borne out of
them.
In their paper, "Organizational Roles and Transitions
to Entrepreneurship," Stanislav D. Dobrev, assistant professor
of organizations and strategy at the University of Chicago Graduate
School of Business, and William P. Barnett of the Stanford Graduate
School of Business begin with the premise that in the modern
business world, people typically must leave existing organizations
in order to found new ones.
Large corporations and small start-up ventures offer distinctly
different contexts for the development of entrepreneurial potential.
"The reason it is called context is because we look at
it as the ground on which a potential entrepreneur grows,"
says Dobrev. In Dobrev's theory, there is a link between the
motivation to become an entrepreneur and the type of company
one worked for before actually founding a new organization.
He also takes the individual into account by examining how organizations
affect potential entrepreneurs differently depending on the
roles they play in the lives of these organizations.
"For a long time, people have been looking mostly at the
links between emerging technologies and the availability of
capital to explain the importance of context in the founding
of new organizations," says Dobrev. "Our first objective
was to direct attention to a context that has not been studied
before, particularly one that makes it possible to think of
entrepreneurs as organizational products. The second objective
was to see how the role of the individual within the organization
gets blended with the context to determine the likelihood of
entrepreneurship."
Dobrev's findings show that as an organization matures and
expands, its founders become more likely to leave and start
another new venture, while its employees become more likely
to remain with the company.
Adjusting to Structure
"There's almost a social expectation that when we think
of entrepreneurs, we think of those people who are somewhat
different from us, with an extraordinary vision and drive for
success," says Dobrev. "But, in reality, whether this
vision is realized hinges at least in part on the opportunities
and constraints embedded in the organizational context."
In small, young organizations, where there is usually little
formal structure, the founder's idea and vision forge commitment
and provide motivation for employees. As the organization develops,
routines and processes must be established to meet increasing
demands for reliability and accountability. Such routines and
processes gradually lead to the proliferation of organizational
structure. This structure may include the establishment of specific
reporting relationships, work manuals, procedural guidelines,
and strictly defined responsibilities for employees. Dobrev
suggests that the growth of formal structure will result in
fewer opportunities for employees to become entrepreneurs, because
over time, employees will have less contact with those outside
the organization, more established roles, and will have to adhere
to developed norms, rules, and routines.
Additionally, well-established organizations typically offer
defined career paths and possess the financial resources needed
to accommodate the innovative initiatives of their employees.
With such internal opportunities available, there is less desire
for employees to leave to found new organizations. The risks
of founding a new venture are now weighed against a combination
of long-term career incentives, job security, and the opportunity
to bring ideas to life within the boundaries of an existing
company.
While larger, older organizations are able to keep nascent
entrepreneurs among their employees from leaving, increased
bureaucracy has the opposite effect on founders. As the venture
transitions from an entrepreneurial to a growth stage, the organizational
goals evolve to reflect a shift in emphasis from "idea
development" to "organizational maintenance."
With the creative component of their jobs diminishing, founders
in a way lose control of their own creation. "We call this
the parenting effect," says Dobrev, "because it really
resembles the reluctance of parents to accept the fact that
their children have grown to be fully independent and need much
less parental care."
As a more bureaucratic structure takes shape, the founder's
role eventually becomes reduced to that of a professional manager,
yet the founder's own perception of his or her role is slower
and more difficult to change. The resulting discrepancy between
reality and identity perception tends to alienate founders and
compels them to try to resolve it by leaving to start another
new venture.
"Given the chance, we think that the founders would leave
to start a new organization in order to achieve a better match
between their individual identity as founders and their actual
organizational roles," says Dobrev. "This match typically
evaporates as their organizations grow and expand, and their
roles as founders simply become outdated."
Testing this theory required finding a unique pool of individuals
who are "at risk" of becoming entrepreneurs even if
they do not ultimately start a new business. Rather than sampling
from the population at large, where entrepreneurship is relatively
rare, Dobrev used data collected from the 1997 Stanford Graduate
School of Business career history survey administered to all
of the school's M.B.A. alumni. The sample proved very useful
for the study because the rate of entrepreneurship is much higher
among M.B.A. students and because Stanford is in Silicon Valley.
Alumni were asked to provide a complete account of their career
histories, describing important features of their previous positions
and the organizations where they were employed. They were also
asked to indicate if and when they had started a business.
Dobrev coded years in which alumni started a business on their
own or became members of an organizational founding team as
years in which a transition to entrepreneurship occurred. He
also distinguished between an "employee to founder,"
a "founder to founder," and a "founder to employee"
transition in order to test and eliminate several alternative
explanations for his results.
The data were restructured to reflect each job held per person
in each year since graduating from the M.B.A. program. The final
data set consists of 52,519 records representing the career
histories of more than 2,000 people, with the range of years
per person varying from 1 to 44. Statistical models were used
to determine the effect of different variables on the timing
and likelihood of entrepreneurship.
The results based on Dobrev's models support his earlier prediction
that as an organization ages and grows in size, employees become
less likely to leave and found new organizations, while founders
become more likely to again engage in entrepreneurship. For
example, working in a 58-year-old company was found to reduce
the likelihood of an employee becoming a founder by 15 percent.
However, in a 10-year-old company, the potential for a founder
to leave to found another organization was increased by 15 percent.
Other Contributing Factors
Dobrev also tested several demographic variables and characteristics
of job experiences to gauge how they influenced tendencies toward
entrepreneurship. The results show that foreign-born, nonwhite
respondents were more likely to found new organizations. Regarding
age, during the period between graduation from the M.B.A. program
and age 31, the rate of entrepreneurship rises, but after age
31, this rate declines. Initially, this effect indicated that
the propensity to become an entrepreneur increases until age
43, but further examination showed that the increase after age
31 is merely a product of the knowledge and experience accumulated
by nascent entrepreneurs through multiple organizational experiences
rather than simply a function of age.
People who were very satisfied with their job were 75 percent
less likely to become entrepreneurs. Employees with high salaries
were also unlikely to leave. For every $100,000 earned, an individual's
propensity to leave his or her current job to start a new venture
decreased by about 3 percent.
Employees who performed marketing functions in their most recent
job were 24 percent more likely to found their own organization.
Working in a high-tech industry also increased the rate of entrepreneurship
by a third. However, results suggest that employment in a family
business discourages the transition to entrepreneurship by about
20 percent.
Dobrev also found that the more organizations a person worked
for, the more likely they were to become an entrepreneur. "Gaining
exposure and experience with the routines and practices of many
different organizations clearly increases your arsenal of solutions
for tackling the difficult problems that are an inevitable part
of running a start-up," says Dobrev. "Though prior
experience with more organizations doesn't necessarily mean
experience with better organizations, variation allows you to
choose the best set of options and solutions by selecting from
the high end of the distribution of your experiences."
The results show that the likelihood of becoming a founder
increases by 25 percent with each previously founded organization
and by 6 percent with each organization in which a person has
worked as an employee.
Different interpretations regarding the impact of organizational
age and size required that Dobrev account for alternative explanations
for his results. He was able to rule out the following counter-arguments:
that individual differences, not role distinctions, can explain
whether people leave large, old organizations; that founders
will become less likely than employees to leave an organization
if they stay long enough; and that founders have a higher turnover
rate in general, regardless of whether they go on to found another
organization.
Repeat Entrepreneurship
Dobrev's results show how an existing organization can encourage
or discourage entrepreneurial tendencies, and he is able to
predict for whom and under what conditions these opposing effects
will appear. Over time, he expects that many entrepreneurs will
follow the pattern of the repeat founder who builds multiple
organizations throughout his career.
"Our results also indicate that while founders are more
likely to leave to found another organization, they are not
more likely to leave to become employees of other organizations,"
says Dobrev.
However, the vast majority of individuals can be expected to
contribute their ideas to the growth of existing organizations
rather than the founding of new ones.
"People always ask me how this thesis can explain Bill
Gates, but Bill Gates probably would not be as well known as
he is today if he had gone down the path we are predicting.
The very reason that we know about him is because he is the
exception, and this is partly what makes him so famous,"
says Dobrev. "The very fact that an exception to the general
pattern implied by our theory is so notable is a testimony to
the ubiquity of the pattern itself."
Stanislav D. Dobrev is assistant professor of organizations
and strategy at the University of Chicago Graduate School of
Business. His research on "Organizational Roles and Transitions
to Entrepreneurship" was supported by a research grant
from the Kauffman Center of Entrepreneurial Leadership, the
University of Chicago Graduate School of Business, and the Center
for Entrepreneurial Studies at the Stanford Graduate School
of Business.